Helga Zepp-LaRouche Keynote Address to February 14, 2015 Schiller Conference | LaRouchePAC
Helga Zepp-LaRouche Keynote Address to February 14, 2015 Schiller Conference
Keynote Address, Schiller Institute New York City Presidents’ Day Conference, Feb. 14, 2015. See the video here.
DENNIS SPEED: For forty years, as indicated in this, which is available for you in the back, Lyndon LaRouche campaigned for a new international economic order. And over the course of that 40-year period, particularly the last 25 years, the last quarter-century, that campaign took a very specific road after the fall of the Berlin Wall. A set of policies of were initiated, advanced, developed, promoted, tirelessly, particularly in Europe and particularly in Asia, the keynote speaker and founder of the Schiller Institute was the center of, the heart of, the sparkplug of, the guidon of, the banner of that policy. Not only could that policy not have occurred without her, and specific at the time that that initiative was upgrade, Lyndon LaRouche was incarcerated unjustly, in a prison in the United States, largely for what you’ve just heard him describe in the audio tape we just played.
One of the confusions that has existed continually among Americans, in discussion about the policies of Russia and China in particular, is that these are somehow “foreign” policies and that the United States is being asked to “join” up with the foreigners. When in fact, the policy that Russia and China in specific, and the BRICS nations as a whole have adopted, is a policy that was born in, nurtured in, developed in, and then extended from the United States, in a particular and unique collaboration between two individuals: Lyndon LaRouche and our keynote speaker.
This is important, because the concept of America, and the concept of being an American is not a geographic one. It’s not the piece of dirt called the United States, though many of us may love that piece of dirt. And it’s not a bad thing to love the United States, but that’s not what an American is. The idea of the United States and the idea of America is a principle, it’s an immortal principle. Yes, it is in fact made immortal in the form of the Preamble to the Constitution, but it’s only kept immortal by the actions of individuals.
Our keynote speaker exemplifies the American principle at its highest level, because at its highest level, the American principle is the most important expression of humanist, Platonic, advanced scientific culture ever devised. And it’s important that we not allow any of those terms that I just mentioned, to be dragged in the dirt by people who don’t understand them. Being a human being, and aspiring to be the most that humanity can be, requires a sense of art, as well as a sense of necessity. And in the founding of the Schiller Institute, and the basing of the American initiative for economic justice and development in the bosom of poetry, our founding speaker added an essential element that was missing in the United States, which has allowed us to impel a process, worldwide, that no one else could have accomplished.
So it’s always my honor, and particularly today, at this time of the Presidents’ Day holiday—this is a person we would be running for President except for technical reasons—I’d like to introduce Helga LaRouche. [standing ovation]
HELGA ZEPP-LAROUCHE: Thank you for your nice welcome, and these very sweet words of you.
It is a particular pleasure to be in New York, because my last speech I concluded here by saying I talk to you as a New Yorker. Very people know that I used to live here for several years, and naturally, this was a reference to the famous speech by Kennedy in Berlin.
I think we are right now confronted with an unbelievable situation. We are still extremely close to World War III. This danger has been alleviated a tiny little bit, three days ago, when you had the intervention by Mrs. Merkel, President Hollande, Putin, and Poroshenko, at their meeting in Minsk, and an agreement was reached, the so-called Minsk II agreement.
But I hate to tell you, this is a very, very short and potentially very, very fragile breathing space of maybe hours, maybe days, maybe weeks, and the reality is, we are still absolutely on the eve, on the two minutes, or two seconds, before World War III. And that has been generally understood now in Europe, I think, much much more than in the United States, and we are still also at the verge of a potential complete blowout of the financial system. And that is the reason why we are in this war danger.
Because the war danger is not just Ukraine, and the danger that that war could go out of control. The war danger comes from the fact that the Empire—that which has developed since the end of the Soviet Union as a system of globalization—is about to blow out in a much, much bigger way than we had it with Lehman Brothers and AIG in 2008.
Let me quickly go into where we stand strategically.
This agreement, the so-called Minsk II agreement, is a 10 point agreement. It includes a ceasefire, which is supposed to start tonight at midnight. Then, it’s supposed to pull back the artillery and other heavy weapons systems into a minimum 10 kilometers safe zone. It’s supposed to re-establish the demarcation line which was established already in the Minsk I agreement in September, and does not include the territorial gains of the rebels in the fighting since. It is supposed to be supervised by an OSCE team. It is supposed to include an amnesty for many, not all but many, of the prisoners of war, also a prisoner of war exchange. Kiev, the government, is supposed to restore the wages, pensions, and the banking system in East Ukraine, and it will give special status of autonomy to Donetsk and Luhansk, and basically all foreign fighters are supposed to be pulled out.
It is also expressed by the four leaders—Merkel, Hollande, Putin, and Poroshenko—that the chance that this agreement would last would be greatly enhanced if there would be a better cooperation between the EU, Ukraine, and Russia.
Now, it is extremely fragile. Why am I saying this? Because it is now that what I used to call the “Ibykus principle,” the nemesis of the evil deed, could haunt the people who tried this agreement. Because it was the despicable refusal of Merkel, in particular being the head of the German government, who 70 years after the end of World War II, and the end of the 12-year Nazi regime in Germany, did not admit that the crisis in Ukraine had been caused by a Nazi coup which brought into the government not just neo-Nazis, but real Nazis, going way back all the way to Stepan Bandera and that organization that had helped the Nazi occupation of Ukraine in the ’40s.
These were networks which were kept all the way in the post-war period, by the CIA, by British MI6, and the German Gehlen organization of the BND. They were kept sort of like the Gladio operation of NATO, as a stay-behind, in the case of confrontation with the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
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